Have the Liberals lost the plot?
After going 81 years
without an interim leader, the Liberal Party of Canada has had three in the
last 30 years (two of them in the last six), a sure sign the party is rather
desperately thrashing about. Herman Goodden reports ...
After
this MayÕs drubbing at the polls when for the first time ever in their 144-year history
they formed neither the government nor the official opposition, one might have
expected an infusion of candour and fresh thinking
when next the Liberal Party of Canada gathered to chart their way forward as
they did in Ottawa over the second weekend in January. Such newly won
irrelevance can supply a blessing in disguise for any depleted party, freeing
them up to really do some soul-searching and try on some approaches that they
might not have considered or risked before. When you neither govern nor
officially oppose – and when itÕs only the first of at least four years
of a majority government – you shouldnÕt find yourself under the kind of
media scrutiny that might make that kind of brainstorming a little
awkward.
But these are very strange
and vacuous times in Canadian political life when neither the second place NDP
nor the third place Liberal Party have a functioning leader. You might think
this lack of a leader to rally around would hobble both parties equally but it
doesnÕt. Sure, the LiberalsÕ interim leader, ex-NDP Ontario premier, Bob Rae,
hauls around considerable negative baggage of his own, but compared to the NDPÕs utter non-entity of an interim leader – newly
elected Hull-Aylmer MP Nycole Turmel
(most famous for her one time membership in the Bloc Quebecois and her Stephane Dion-like gift for mangling the English language),
Rae is an irrepressible fount of charisma and charm.
Whether they like it or
not, the federal Liberals simply are not going to be granted the relief of a
long season on the sidelines in which to regroup. They may not have the seats
to make it official, but they are regarded as the ipso facto opposition. With
the death of NDP leader Jack Layton last summer and the rapidly dawning
realization that CanadaÕs newly installed Loyal Opposition is otherwise
comprised of exhausted hacks and callow amateurs whose main and very temporary
base of support in Quebec unfits them to address reality as it is experienced
in the rest of the country, Canadians simply cannot and do not take the NDP
seriously as a voice of national authority.
After going 81 years
without an interim leader theyÕve had three in the last 30 years (two of them
in the last six), a sure sign that a party is rather desperately thrashing
about. While the tradition of the last 30 years is that an interim leader is a
stop-gap figure with no future leadership prospects, Rae knows that a tradition
isnÕt a law and that if he goes digging back into the Liberal Party tradition
to 1919, there is the case of one Daniel Duncan McKenzie whose one year term as
interim leader didnÕt prevent him from throwing his hat into the ring at the
next leadership convention, though he wasnÕt able to win it.
The
Liberals
donÕt intend to address the question of who their next non-interim leader will
be until much later this year. In the meanwhile, Rae keeps mum about his
ambitions, apparently hoping that the sort of brownie points heÕs been
accumulating for his management of the tattered party since Michael Ignatieff stepped down will continue making him the obvious
and essential choice.
Even critics like The
National PostÕs John Ivison acknowledge: ŅFew dispute
that Mr. Rae has dragged the Liberals back from the brink. By any number of
metrics – media coverage, internal unity, fundraising, popular support
– the party is in better shape than it has been for some time . . . Why
would he clarify things when things are running so clearly in his favour? He can use the party machinery in his own interests
until October before declaring his candidacy, by which time all other
candidates will be sniffing his vapour trail.Ó
Unsavoury as RaeÕs leadership might
be to any Ontarian who remembers how wretched his NDP premiership was in the
early 1990s, and however suspicious older Liberals might be about his own
subsequent conversion to their cause (Could Rae become to the Liberal Party
what Joe Clark was to the old Tories? An Orange Liberal instead of a Red Tory?)
the ranks of the party are not choc-a-bloc with
exciting or attractive contenders for the post. Marc Garneau?
David McGuinty? Justin Trudeau? The pool of talent is
thimble deep.
Going into their big
weekend in early January, optimistically entitled The Road to Renewal, many
commentators made mock of the unseriousness and
datedness of so many of the proposals up for discussion, such as trying to resuscitate
the Canadian Wheat Board or expanding hate propaganda laws so that they
included the classification of Ōgender hatredÕ.
YouÕd never guess from the
list of topics that were debated that most Canadians were far more concerned
about the economy and jobs and the unravelling of the
social safety net than any of that hooey about which they bloviated so
earnestly.
The
youth wing of
the party was promoting the legalization of marijuana (which passed) and the
abolition of the monarchy (which didnÕt). In his post-convention column, the
PostÕs Lorne Gunter confessed that as a university student, he served as whip
of the Young Liberals at their 1978 convention in the very same Ottawa hotel
where they also passed a resolution to legalize the demon weed.
About the only thing the
Liberals got right this month was narrowly defeating Bob Rae-era dinosaur
Sheila Copps in her bid to become party president.
That honorific instead was bestowed on 42-year-old Michael Crawley – a
man who has passionately advocated for a more populist approach to party
governance, to putting an end to leader-appointed candidates, having open
nominations across the party, and disallowing the leaderÕs veto over policy
– all of them motions that the party turned down, giving more control than
ever to the leader they may someday get around to choosing.